Mw Se Chanjman An - I am the Change

What I Can Do for My Country?

The overwhelmingly positive response to my recent Open Letter to Prime Minister Conille has strengthened my belief in the Haitian diaspora and civil society’s ability to shape Haiti’s future. Many have written to ask: what can I do?

This piece attempts to answer that question by proposing three key actions: establishing a formal diaspora task force, leveraging existing financial mechanisms to raise funds to support the security forces, and creating impactful civil society organizations to increase food security while promoting economic development.

However, before these ideas can be implemented, the government must be a partner and address the crucial prerequisites of transparency and accountability.

Prerequisites: Establishing Transparency and Inclusion

For civil society to engage meaningfully in supporting Haiti, the government must first prioritize transparency and fulfill its commitments. The Transitional Presidential Council has fallen short of its obligations outlined in the April 3rd accord, and the Conille administration has not adequately explained its recent decisions.

The recent budget revision published on August 13th is one such decision. The budget reveals troubling reductions in two critical areas:

• Haitian National Police (PNH) Funding Cut: The police force budget was reduced by 18%, from 27.4 billion to 22.6 billion Haitian gourdes (USD 208 million to USD 171 million).

• Military Funding Cut: The military budget was cut by 6%, from 1.3 billion to 1.2 billion Haitian gourdes (USD 9.8 million to USD 9.3 million).

These reductions are alarming given Haiti’s current instability. The government must explain how it plans to address the security crisis with diminished resources.

While the CPT and the Conille administration know this, it is still worth repeating: to build trust and ensure accountability, the government must take a few immediate actions. First, it should publish the full text of the April 3rd Accord to ensure transparency and enable the citizens, in Haiti and abroad, to hold the government accountable. Second, they must swiftly implement the key articles of the Accord, including the establishment of the Government Action Control Body (OCAG) based on section VIII, articles 22-24, and the establishment of the National Security Council (CNS in French) outlined in section XI, articles 25-27, as outlined in the Accord. These institutions are essential for providing oversight and ensuring transparency in managing the nation’s security and resources.

These steps are crucial for any real engagement and the success of the following recommendations.

Actionable Steps for Haitian Civil Society

With the prerequisites in place, Haitian civil society can take three immediate actions to support national efforts. These recommendations build on existing mechanisms that can be expanded and reinforced, rather than starting from scratch.

1. Establish a Formal Diaspora Taskforce

Regardless of the MHAVE-MAE merger, the Haitian diaspora must create a formal task force that brings together the disparate groups. Together we can engage with the Haitian government and strategically advocate the US government. This task force would:

• Establish reliable communication channels with the diaspora.

• Coordinate advocacy for Haiti’s priorities abroad.

• Identify diaspora resources and propose expert advisors to the government.

By coordinating our efforts and moving away from fragmented individual actions, this task force can amplify the diaspora’s impact and ensure alignment with Haiti’s most pressing needs. Over time, the task force could evolve into a more formal "Assembly of Haitians Living Abroad," modeled after France’s National Assembly of French Citizens Abroad, which I proposed in my previous article, Anticipating and Seizing the Moment: 6 Key Demands for the Haitian Diaspora. The assembly would provide a permanent platform and mechanism for direct engagement and advocacy, ensuring the diaspora’s voice is integral to policy decisions affecting Haiti. It would also serve to minimize any division in our community.

2. Leverage the $1.50 Transfer Fee Mechanism

The diaspora has long voiced concerns about the opacity of the National Education Fund, which is funded by a $1.50 fee on money transfers and a five-cent charge on incoming international phone calls. The Conille administration appears ready to address these concerns by appointing a diaspora member to oversee this fund. If this happens, it would be a positive sign, demonstrating a commitment to transparency and accountability.

Building on the existing structure, I propose creating a "Haiti Security Fund" through an additional voluntary donation on top of the existing $1.50 transfer fee. When transferring funds to Haiti, a person may opt to contribute more than the required $1.50, with the additional amount going directly to the Haiti Security Fund.

To ensure proper use and transparency, the fund should be overseen by a board of directors, including members of the National Security Council, OCAG, and financial experts from the diaspora. Transparent management of these contributions can build trust and potentially raise millions for Haiti’s security forces.

3. Support the Creation of Civil Society Organizations

In Reimagining the Haitian Diaspora's Role, I proposed a Public-Private Philanthropic Partnership (P4) model to address food shortages and strengthen our agricultural sector. This approach aims to reduce Haiti’s dependency on imports of most of its food basket by directly purchasing from local cooperatives and farmers.

To extend the value chain, I am proposing the creation of Community Food Coop stores through partnerships between local governments, communities, and regional foundations. This innovative approach would allow the diaspora to:

• Engage in fighting food insecurity.

• Support local farmers.

• Ensure financial contributions are recycled within the local economy.

In this model, diaspora members could become shareholders in these coops, purchasing food credits for their families in Haiti. By prioritizing local producers, these coops would create a virtuous economic cycle, strengthening the farming industry and fostering sustainable community development. A constant cash flow would allow farm cooperatives to modernize and industrialize the sector. This model not only empowers the diaspora to contribute directly to alleviating hunger but also reinforces economic resilience within Haitian communities.

Conclusion

The potential for Haitian civil society and the diaspora to effect meaningful change is immense. By focusing on transparency, inclusivity, and strategic engagement, the Haitian government can mobilize the resources and expertise needed to support national security, food sovereignty, and overall development.

The proposed three-pronged approach – establishing a diaspora task force, leveraging financial mechanisms, and creating impactful civil society organizations – offers a roadmap for diaspora action. However, these efforts can only succeed if built on a foundation of government transparency and accountability.

It's time to act. Every Haitian, whether at home or abroad, can play a part in shaping our nation's destiny. The government must lead and be a true partner in this endeavor. The diaspora must also unite around these practical initiatives. Together, we can seize this opportunity and create the change we long for in our beloved Haiti.