Haiti's Crises Call for New Leadership with a Patriotic Vision

Haiti's ongoing crises have led me to reflect on the importance of nation-building and the role of visionary leadership. In recent debates about Haiti, I have found myself increasingly at odds with colleagues with whom I generally agree. I find myself becoming less and less sympathetic to complaints about the West's responsibility for Haiti's situation.

To me, the international community's role in Haiti is a "known knowns," to borrow a phrase from former U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld. In mathematical terms, a “known known” is a constant, a value in an algebraic expression that remains unchanged. Their interests can be economic or geopolitical in nature. Some fellow advocates even argue that the international community’s goal is to “make Haiti pay for challenging white supremacy.” I avoid debating these assertions because regardless of the motive, they remain constant. This doesn't negate the influence and impact of the international community. Instead, I want to focus on the other side of the equation with the variables. I want us to be talking about what we want, what we can do, and how we can do it.

In my recent travels in Africa, I observed that a specific set of foreign investors, similar to those in Haiti, are engaging in rent-seeking behavior by exploiting international institutions to advance their economic interests. They corrupt government officials and weaken the state, leaving it a shell of itself. In turn, these major international and state institutions employ a set of policies that benefit the corruptors. Those policies are not novel. Erik Reinert's book, "How Rich Countries Got Rich… and Why Poor Countries Stay Poor," offers a historical perspective of states act toward each other.

Reinert traces the origins of Western economic policy tools to the era of King Henry VII of England in 1485. At that time, England wielded a set of economic strategies and policies against nations like Spain, Italy, and Holland that are similar to the ones the U.S. and other major bilateral and multilateral institutions use in Haiti. He also showed how these tactics were adopted by many European nations and used against each other in the 19th century. These practices continue to this day. An additional component to consider is the role of race and its influence on the intensity of how these standard policies are implemented and enforced. Still, race shouldn't be our sole focus when analyzing these dynamics.

In a world of competition, countries will either fight for resources or cooperate, depending on the costs associated with one policy option versus another. But, as always, there is another side. History offers many lessons on nation-building. In each case where we see positive social transformations, a strong leader with a clear vision unified a disparate group of people. The importance of leadership and a unified vision has been evident in many "advanced" countries but these leaders are never alone.

Haiti's Leadership Crisis and the Role of its Elites

Given Haiti's pervasive mistrust, what's crucial is transformative leadership — not merely one individual at the helm — embodying a unified vision for the future.

Leaders like Fidel Castro, Nelson Mandela, and Paul Kagame exemplify those who have achieved remarkable feats through collaborative efforts and teamwork. They were able to rally collective efforts and galvanize a shared sense of purpose among their people.

A common thread in Haiti's history is the role of its elites. They are a small group of wealthy and powerful people who have a disproportionate amount of influence over the country's politics and economy.

The Haitian elite is divided into two main groups: the traditional elite and the emerging economic elite.

The traditional elite is made up of descendants of the French colonists who ruled Haiti before independence. They have a lot of wealth and power, but they are also very disconnected from the majority of Haitians. They see themselves as superior to the average Haitian and believe that they have the right to rule the country.

The emerging economic elite consists of wealthy Haitians who have made their money in recent years through business and industry. This group's ancestors arrived in Haiti in the late 19th century and in greater numbers in the early 20th century. They are not tied to the French colonial legacy as the traditional elite. They have gotten very wealthy and powerful, and have been more interested in economic gain than in governance.

As the new elite's interest in governance has increased so has the contention between the factions. This has impeded the country's progress as each group vies to capture the state for its benefit. The black middle class that fills the civil service ranks has been squeezed by those two forces. In turn, this has prevented the country from addressing critical issues like poverty, inequality, and corruption.

The Road Ahead: Challenges and Possibilities

Haiti's elite class can play a role in overcoming the country's challenges by putting aside their differences and working together for the common good. However, this would have required a fundamental shift in mindset and priorities. A prerequisite is for the elite to see themselves as part of the Haitian nation, rather than as a separate class with its distinct interests. Unfortunately, there is no indication that Haiti's elites are willing to make this shift.

This leaves Haiti with a pressing question: How can the country nurture visionary leadership? With the rise of gangs and the associated socio-political challenges, the path ahead is murky. However, history teaches us that visionary leadership, rooted in unity and inclusivity, can transform nations.

Moving Forward: A Call to Action for the Haitian Diaspora

Haiti has faced numerous challenges, both past and present. The role of the elite, both past and present, presents a challenging dichotomy of power and responsibility. However, a vast, untapped resource lies beyond this: the Haitian diaspora. This group, with its dual perspective and vast resources is positioned to bridge divides.

As members of the Haitian diaspora, we should:

  • Foster Partnerships for Leadership Development: Engage with local organizations dedicated to molding future leaders in all sectors, from business to politics. Providing mentorship, training, and resources can equip these leaders for positive change. The Haitian Center for Leadership and Excellence (CLE), Haitian Education & Leadership Program (HELP), Anseye Pou Ayiti (APA), and Roots of Development (Roots) are examples of organizations with which we can partner to nurture a new generation of leaders who are committed to building a better future for their country.

  • Ensure Efficient Financial Support: Rather than just sending remittances, we should ensure our contributions make a tangible impact by collaborating with local institutions at the grassroots level. By aligning with institutions in the communes, we can fund initiatives that have direct benefits for local communities and strengthen the infrastructural foundation of these areas.

  • Support Law Enforcement: A secure and prosperous Haiti requires a robust and trustworthy police force. While there are some limits to what we can do, there are many ways we can contribute to Haiti's security. Beyond physical infrastructure like helping to build or repair existing commissariats, we can establish programs to support the families of police officers. These initiatives can range from educational support for their children to healthcare and housing benefits. By ensuring the welfare of our officers, we empower them to serve the community better.

The challenges facing Haiti are profound, but not insurmountable. The Haitian diaspora, in collaboration with local actors, can play a pivotal role in Haiti's renaissance. The time for action is now.

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