A More Nuanced Conversation is Needed About Gun-Trafficking in Haiti
UNODC Indicative volume of firearms seized by source in Haiti (2020-2022).
The situation in Haiti is catastrophic. Yet, there is an ongoing debate and divergent opinions about the international community's role in restoring security. The quartet, which includes the U.S., Canada, France, and the Dominican Republic, has had a significant impact on Haiti's political system. Their influence is indisputable. However, there are some specific misconceptions about U.S. implications in Haiti’s insecurity that need to be cleared up.
As Haitians struggle to find a solution to the worsening insecurity, many voices are claiming that the U.S. government is responsible for sending weapons to gangs in Haiti. At best, these critics argue, the U.S. can do more to stop the flow of weapons to Haiti.
This article will tackle the critics’ three main arguments against the U.S. It aims to provide a more nuanced lens through which we can analyze the very complex issue of gun trafficking in Haiti.
The first claim is that the US government is involved in the illegal transfer of weapons to Haiti's gangs.
It is a fact that most of the weapons circulating in Haiti are US-made. But those who want to directly implicate the U.S. government for sending weapons to Haiti may not know or understand America's gun culture and the laws regulating gun sales and ownership. The first thing to note is that the U.S. government does not manufacture guns. While it is responsible for making laws that control gun sales, the business of manufacturing and selling guns is private. As a sector, U.S. gun manufacturers and gun rights advocates have been successful in lobbying Congress to limit the government's control over gun sales and ownership. And despite questionable practices, so far, gun advocates and lobbyists have obtained broad legal immunity for gun sellers and owners.
Most people around the world, and more specifically Haitians, do not understand U.S. gun culture, which is protective of gun ownership.
This has created a system that has many loopholes. The most glaring is the private sales at “unregulated gun shows.” According to the Giffords Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence, gun shows are “often held at public venues like fairgrounds or civic centers.” The report continues to say that “gun shows operate as temporary, largely unregulated markets for gun sales. Thousands of people attend the more than 4,000 gun shows held in the United States each year.1 Firearm purchases from gun shows account for an estimated 4% to 9% of annual firearm sales.”2
There have been 128 mass shootings in the United States from January 1 to March 14
Most people around the world, and more specifically Haitians, do not understand U.S. gun culture, which is extremely protective of gun ownership. According to the Small Arms Survey (SAS), American civilians own 393 million of the 857 million available civilian guns worldwide, which is around 46%. This translates to 120 guns for every 100 Americans, meaning there are more guns in the US than people. As a result of ubiquitous access to guns, the U.S. has the highest number of gun-related deaths in the world.
As I write this article, according to the Gun Violence Archive, there have been 128 mass shootings in the United States from January 1 to March 14, as reported by the Gun Violence Archive. These shootings have occurred in various locations such as restaurants, schools, and even churches, and have affected all communities, regardless of whether they are rural or urban, and regardless of race. These tragic incidents have proven that no place is safe and that everyone is vulnerable.
The U.S. lenient gun laws are a boon for traffickers, including Haitians in the diaspora who are involved in weapons trafficking. The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNDOC) reported that traffickers from Florida “often source firearms from across the U.S.” and smuggle them into Haiti illegally by land from the neighboring Dominican Republic, by air including to clandestine airstrips, but most frequently by sea.
The assertion that the U.S. government is involved in sending weapons to gangs in Haiti is unsupported and not based on evidence.
The assertion that the U.S. government is involved in sending weapons to gangs in Haiti is unsupported and not based on any evidence. But worse, they contribute to a general sense of distrust and suspicion towards the U.S. government's actions in Haiti. They also weaken the Haitian public's confidence in their government's ability to work with U.S. law enforcement institutions to tackle the shared challenge of gun trafficking.
It is the responsibility of the Haitian government to control its borders and ports of entry.
The second claim is that the U.S. could stop the flow of weapons to Haiti if it wanted. Those who advance this point of view assert that since most of the guns in Haiti are shipped from Florida, the U.S. Customs and Border Control (CBP) should be examining the content of every container going to Haiti.
However, what the critics fail to acknowledge is that CBP’s priorities are to screen, assess and examine suspicious containers coming into the United States. It is the responsibility of the Haitian government to control its borders and ports of entry. Second, critics do not acknowledge the scale of U.S. export. In 2020, the total U.S. exports of goods and services amounted to $2.5 trillion. During that same period, the total value of its export to Haiti was $766 million. As a percentage, $766 million represents approximately 2.94% of $2.6 trillion dollars. Yet, Haitians expect that CBP should allocate its resources to search 100% of the containers going to Haiti. That would mean searching the thousands of used cars, old beds, and TVs, and the blue barrels full of “pèpè” used clothes that are shipped to Haiti.
Given the U.S. influence over Haiti’s corrupt politicians, the easiest path to gain access to its resources would be to have those politicians make or change the laws and rules.
The third claim is that the reason the U.S. is sending - or not stopping the shipment of weapons - to Haiti is to destabilize the country so its companies can steal Haiti’s resources. The U.S. does indeed have a history of intervening in Haiti and its investors have a history of taking Haiti’s resources.
However, the archives show that this is often done with the collaboration of Haiti’s officials and elite. Another perspective is that the U.S. has a lot of influence over Haiti’s corrupt politicians. It is then logical to conclude that it would be an infinitely easier path to have Haiti's politicians make or change the laws and rules to benefit U.S. companies. This is the way U.S. corporations have gained access to Haiti’s resources in the past and in complicity with local economic actors. Conversely, the idea of sending weapons to Haiti would not be the most logical way to achieve their goals. This is because U.S. policymakers and business interests have easier options. It is also because Haiti’s destabilization has direct repercussions on U.S. internal politics. The thousand of Haitians who showed up on the US-Mexico border is illustrative of how Haiti’s problems directly affect U.S. politics.
In conclusion, the claim that the US government is responsible for providing weapons to Haiti's gangs is baseless and lacks evidence. Nonetheless, these three arguments have gained traction in the minds of many Haitians. This is mainly due to their frequent repetition by individuals who are not familiar with US gun laws and culture. There are also those opinion leaders who know the facts but choose to advance these false claims to shift the focus away from Haiti's own responsibilities.
The diaspora should support policies like The Haiti Criminal Collusion Transparency Act of 2023 (Bill S396) which calls for the identification and sanctions against actors with known criminal ties.
My hope is that we can have a more rational argument about the weapons trafficking issue, which represents a major risk for Haiti and for other countries in the region. The challenge presented by gun traffickers is a major risk for the U.S. and all the countries in the region.
Haiti should be working with other countries and major international institutions to fight cross-border criminal activities. One way the diaspora can help in this effort is to support policies like The Haiti Criminal Collusion Transparency Act of 2023 (Bill S396) which calls for the identification and sanctions against actors with known criminal ties. This policy is an important first step in addressing Haiti's insecurity. We should also be pushing for the use of even more restrictive tools against those who fund and support the gangs.