Redefining Power: How the Periphery in Haiti Can Drive Meaningful Change in Governance

As I celebrate the 4th of July, commemorating the signing of the document that declared the United States' independence from Great Britain, my thoughts inevitably turn to Haiti.

This historical moment, reminiscent of Haiti's own revolutionary struggle for independence, held profound implications for the world. The United States, once situated in the periphery with England as the center of power, now revels in 247 years of independence, having broken free and risen as a preeminent global power.

In contrast, Haiti, the second sovereign nation in the Western Hemisphere, marks its 219th year of independence while grappling with the perception of being a failed state, ensnared by the clutches of powerful gangs that control vast swathes of its territory. For many Haitian citizens, the power is centralized in Port-au-Prince, leaving them relegated to the periphery.

But it doesn't have to remain this way. Just as the 13 colonies chose to liberate themselves from the grasp of Great Britain, Haiti's nine departments have an opportunity to break the current political gridlock in Port-au-Prince.

The current state of Governance

The current political and security situation in Haiti is unbearable. The major political actors—the government and opposition—are mainly concentrated in the capital's (West department) and are engaged in a power struggle. They are stuck in this conflict and seem unable to imagine different solutions out of the crisis beyond taking power.

One side wants to maintain the current government with only the Prime Minister. They have suggested expanding the High Transition Council (HCT) while concluding the ongoing political transition with elections. The opposition is not interested in incorporating the HCT but instead wants to establish a new transition team with a negotiated agreement for a new President and Prime Minister.

The Perceived Power of the Central government and the International Community

The central government in Port-au-Prince is weak and ineffective. It has little actual power and exists mostly in our imagination. The same goes for the so-called influence of the international community. Despite talk of potential military interventions, the power of the international community is also largely illusory.

This leaves the population to fend for itself. If Haitians decided to take control of their country, particularly in the other relatively safe departments, they could reshape the political landscape and influence the actions of political actors. This crisis provides a rare opportunity to restructure public life and implement the ideas that Haitians have long discussed and written about.

An Opportune Time to Decentralize and Deconcentrate Power

To be clear, I am not suggesting that Haiti should be divided. I am proposing that the current political and security crisis offers a unique opportunity for Haitians to change the status quo. The question is whether we have the vision and commitment to seize this once-in-a-lifetime chance to transform the unacceptable relationship that has evolved into a center-periphery dynamic.

As Haitians, we cannot continue to be mere spectators. Those on the ground resemble Romans in an amphitheater, observing Haitian political actors engage in combat and tear each other apart. Those of us in the diaspora seem to want to play the role of the Roman emperor Commodus in the film Gladiator, watching the reactions of the crowd (those on the ground) and deciding the fate of a gladiator with a thumbs-up or down.

For instance, we observe from a distance and react with ambivalence as the international community imposes sanctions on Haitian political and economic actors.

Instead, we must take action. We must break the cycle of violence and impunity, and rebuild our country from the ground up, starting with the periphery. The relatively safer conditions in the other departments can serve as a foundation for redefining the governance of a new Haiti.

Indeed, we have already witnessed significant transformations occurring right before our eyes. The people have adapted to ideas that were previously unthinkable.

For example, Haiti's road networks are either non-existent or in disarray. The international community is the primary funder of road and infrastructure projects in Haiti, but we often criticize them for their involvement. We all understand that taxes and tolls are essential for building and maintaining the country's infrastructure network, but paying tolls was never an option in the past. However, in the two years since the gangs have gained control of major roads in and out of the capital, they have established tolls on key thoroughfares. Surprisingly, drivers and travelers have adapted and willingly pay those tolls.

Another interesting example is the relocation of people from densely populated areas in the capital. Everyone recognized the risks of overpopulation in certain neighborhoods in the capital and the need to relocate people who lived there. However, no one believed it could be achieved, whether through coercion or incentives. Nevertheless, today, many of those neighborhoods have seen the majority of their residents leave. The gangs' control over heavily populated neighborhoods has unintentionally facilitated their dispersion.

These are just two examples of how the people of Haiti have adapted to the current crisis. They have shown that they are capable of great change, and they are willing to do whatever it takes to improve their lives.

What seemed impossible just a few years ago has quietly become a reality.

Similarly, the gangs’ influence over areas where the ports are located in the capital provides an opportunity to redirect the delivery of goods to other ports like St. Marc, Cap Haitien, Les Cayes, and Jeremie.

Debunking the Myth of the Centers of Power

With just one police officer per 1,100 people, the central government in Port-au-Prince lacks the manpower to control the gangs. This also means that they cannot control the population, particularly in the other nine departments of Haiti where the presence of the state – police officers, judges, etc – is sparse.

The same can be said for the international community. While we complain that their support helps to maintain the current government in power, they do not have an army in Haiti and lack the means to coerce Haitians into compliance. What this means in practice is that we have made the international community powerful by willingly surrendering our power and agency to them.

The government's incapacity to control the gangs not only undermines their authority. This also means they cannot exercise control over the population if it becomes determined to act. Consequently, while the opposing parties primarily concentrate on their power struggle in the West department, the other nine departments are left to govern themselves. I believe they should seize this opportunity and actively do so.

The crisis and gap in governance offer an opportunity to translate into action the ideas that Haitians have long discussed—decentralization and deconcentration of power in Haiti.

Redefining Power and Bringing the Periphery to the Center

Haiti is at a crossroads. The current political and security crisis has created an opportunity for significant change. The question is whether Haitians will seize this opportunity or allow the country to continue to decline.

The central government in Port-au-Prince is weak and ineffective. It lacks the power to control the gangs, who are now the de facto rulers of much of the capital. The international community is also powerless to intervene effectively.

If leaders in the other departments decided to establish or strengthen local governance, assume control over their existing resources, and address the needs of the people, neither the central government nor the international community could prevent them.

Instead, we willingly cede our power to an outside entity that cannot meet the needs of our local communities. In the case of the international community, it is an entity that does not have the responsibility to address those needs.

I believe we have an opportunity for decentralization and deconcentration of power. The other nine departments of Haiti are now free to govern themselves. They can reinforce their local governments and develop their own economic and social programs. They can also reimagine those concepts for themselves. But more importantly, it is a historic opportunity for Haitians who had been relegated to the periphery to create their own destiny.

The choice is ours.

As I celebrate the 4th of July, I am reminded of the power of the people to create change.

In Haiti, the current political and security situation is dire. The government is weak and ineffective, and the international community is powerless to intervene effectively.

Instead of merely observing from the sidelines and criticizing the government and the international community, I am left wondering: what if those on the periphery seized this opportunity to reimagine a more equitable Haiti?