Breaking the Cycle: Why Haitians Need to Anticipate the Next Steps
Haiti's history is marked by cycles of instability, with each new beginning leading back to the same challenges. Prime Minister Henry's resignation ushers in yet another period of transition fraught with risks for the people.
Previously, while calls for Haitian sovereignty were loud, political actors struggled to find a solution among themselves. Gang violence shut down Haiti's airport resulting in the indignity of Haiti’s civil society and political leaders participating via Zoom in critical meetings about their country. The international community, led by CARICOM and backed by superpowers, cajoled various groups – over 40 reportedly participated, though their identities and the diaspora's involvement remain unclear – into an agreement proposing the “creation of a Transitional Presidential Council comprised of seven voting members and two non-voting observers.” However, opposition already simmers as Haitians negotiate within their groups and parties to select who will represent them in the Council and eventually the transitional government.
The proposed transition is a Haitian-led solution from Haitian political actors. it presents a unique opportunity to break the stalled political negotiations of the past 30 months. However, crucial questions remain: will the newly formed council truly represent the full spectrum of Haiti's political interests? Can their choices gain popular acceptance?
Further complicating matters, Haiti's national police force teeters on the brink of collapse. This has caused Haiti's neighbors to fear a potential mass exodus that could destabilize their own countries. Therefore, the decision on the Multinational Specialized Security (MSS) mission is likely beyond Haiti's sole control.
The Critical Need for Long-Term Planning
A recurring issue in Haiti is the lack of long-term planning. Haitians are often caught off guard by what appears to them as new policies and are often forced to react instead of shaping them proactively. This reactive approach has significantly hindered progress in all areas of the country’s life. This is why I believe it's important to start thinking about the Transitional Council's priorities even as its membership is being finalized.
Security, constitutional reforms, and national elections will likely be the priorities for the next government. While these seem logical, one crucial area is how elections are approached, which will have huge implications for the future.
I believe the challenges we face require intentional actions to repair the structural barriers that have been put up to exclude the population outside Haiti’s West department, which includes Port-au-Prince, the country’s political and economic heart.
Therefore, I propose a bold but measured alternative: decentralized phased elections.
The Promise of Decentralization
In accordance with Haiti’s 1987 amended constitution, I believe we should first hold local elections for Haiti’s smallest administrative divisions. The goal is to first elect the members for the Councils of the Communal Section (CASEC), the Assembly of the Communal Section (ASEC), the Mayors, and Departmental Delegates. This should occur across all ten departments, with an emphasis on the nine outside the West Department where security is more manageable.
For a deeper understanding of Haiti's governance structure and the promise of decentralization, I highly recommend my friend, Dr. Vanessa L. Deanes' seminal paper "Toward a Decentralized Haitian State: The Promises and Shortcomings of The Post-Duvalier Constitution of 1987." Her research exposes "how and why key central government actors consistently impede the extent to which decentralization could facilitate widespread improvements in local development and subnational governance throughout Haiti."
My recommendation serves two key objectives. First, it will amplify the voices of the rural majority, embodying true decentralization as envisioned by our constitution (Article 87.4) and fulfilling a long-standing aspiration. Second, electing local representatives will lay the groundwork for a more inclusive and representative governance structure.
This bottom-up strategy offers three key advantages:
Empowering Rural Voices: The often-overlooked rural majority will have a say in shaping their communities. It can also help to achieve true decentralization, aligning with our constitution and fulfilling a longstanding goal.
Building Blocks of Representative Governance: By electing local officials, we can lay the groundwork for a government that reflects our diverse society. With a personal stake in their regions' success, local leaders can be incentivized to foster political stability and attract investments.
Facilitating an Inclusive and Legitimate National Dialogue: After local elections, a more representative electorate can engage in a meaningful national dialogue about constitutional reform and leadership.
With local leaders in place, a national constitutional referendum would facilitate a dialogue on governance reforms reflecting the entire populace's needs. Legislative and presidential elections, based on a reformed structure, would follow. This approach fosters legitimacy by ensuring widespread participation in shaping our future. It empowers marginalized communities and lays the foundation for a more equitable distribution of power. It also guarantees that the capital's challenges and its stranglehold don't overshadow rural voices.
However, this doesn't mean abandoning Port-au-Prince. Security measures and targeted development initiatives remain crucial there given its importance and its population. However, Haiti needs a new foundation.
Laying the Foundations for Inclusive Governance
This is a path Haiti deserves – one paved by the voices of all its people, especially those excluded for far too long. By shifting our focus towards local empowerment and phased national reform, Haiti can establish a more resilient governance model reflecting its diverse population. This not only addresses the immediate logistical difficulties of holding elections while Port-au-Prince is under gang control, but it also aligns with the deeper, structural demands for decentralization from the constitution and echoed throughout our history. It acknowledges the complexity of Haiti's crises, seeking unity and progress from the ground up, rather than imposing solutions from the top. In this moment of transition, Haiti has the opportunity to redefine its future – a chance we must not squander.
We cannot afford another cycle of elite squabbling and top-down solutions. By prioritizing local elections and empowering the long-neglected countryside, we can break the mold and build a more stable, inclusive Haiti from the ground up. This is not an intuitive choice but one that begins to reverse the discrimination of the past two centuries.